The surface of the county, in most part, is rolling prairie. Along the Neosho River, however, and especially in the vicinity of Council Grove, the banks of the stream rise to considerable height, these elevations occurring sometimes on one side of the stream and sometimes on the other. From the top of these elevations the land rolls away in gentle undulations, without being marked by abrupt acclivities or sudden declivities. The highest point in the county is supposed to be at Council Grove, and viewing the face of the county from this, it presents a surface resembling, somewhat, that of a great sea or ocean rolling onward in gradual swells.

The extreme western portion of the county, however, while the uplands have not acquired that altitude to entitle them to be termed "bluffy," is considerably broken, and does not possess that regularity of surface presented by other portions of the county. The ridges, or watersheds, have an east and west direction, and while sufficiently sloping to afford excellent drainage, are not so abrupt in their descent as to cause any loss of soil by a too precipitate flow of water after heavy rainfalls. The face of the county is considerably scarified by numerous streams and creeks, on nearly all of which are fine belts of timber. Along these streams and creeks are valleys, which vary in width from about one-half to two miles, and the land in these valleys is denominated "bottom" land. Not quite one fourth of the land in the county is comprised in these bottom lands, the proportion being about as 18 to 100.

The timber along the streams and creeks consists of oak, hickory, walnut, cottonwood, hackberry, elm and sycamore, and their average width is between one-fourth and one-half mile. Away from the streams, that sameness of scenery which characterizes large expanses of prairie is interrupted and diversified by numerous artificial groves of forest trees, ranging from ten acres and upwards, the longest containing about sixty acres.

The character of the soil is generally rich and deep, and in ordinary seasons is very productive. The subsoil is limestone, which is located at a depth of from two to ten feet beneath the surface, although in some places, but these are few, it is visible on the top of the earth. Occasionally a gravel knoll is found, but taken altogether the soil is good. Less than one-fourth of the county is denominated "bottom land," being that portion located along the streams and creeks. In these low lands, the soil is extremely rich and exceedingly fertile. Its depth is much greater than that of the higher lands, reaching from four to ten feet, while on the uplands the average depth ranges from two to five feet. There is little, if any, superiority in quality, the only difference being that the bottom lands have the advantage in resistance to drouths (sic). Either on uplands or lowlands all kinds of cereals can be raised abundantly when visited by a moderate rainfall.

Grasses of all kinds grow to great luxuriance in all parts of the county, and of this yield there is never a scarcity, be the season what it may, unless when burned up by scorching "siroccos," which are of very infrequent occurrence. If the superiority of the county for stock-raising purposes is excepted, its chief adaptability is agriculture. In addition to these it offers superior advantages for dairying and cheese making, which follow as a natural consequence from its wide ranges of excellent pasturage. The opportunities offered for the successful establishment of these branches of industry have not for some reason or other, but chiefly from lack of railroad facilities, been taken advantage of, and farmers content themselves by cultivating and raising the usual cereal crops and by giving some attention to stock.

These pursuits, it is true, are those which most closely adhere to the adaptability of the soil, and hence to these the greatest attention is given. Wheat, oats, corn, rye, flax, and barley are sure crops under anything like reasonable circumstances; nor is this the case alone with the bottom lands, as the upland farms are cultivated to great success and yield abundantly.

Horticulture and arboriculture can also be successfully pursued, as the soil is well adapted to forestry and the cultivation of orchards. The statistical history will show that the people are becoming awakened to the great importance attached to both these branches, which, though not pertaining to farming proper, are elements which the farmer cannot disregard without great disadvantage to himself. All that needs to be done to have fine orchards and beautiful groves of forest trees is for the people to plant the seed, and in a very few years the soil of Morris County will furnish the fruit-laden orchard and the sylvan grove.

Water Courses and Their Names
The county is well supplied with water, creeks and streams being but a few miles apart. The Neosho River is the principal stream, and to this nearly all the lesser streams in the county are tributary. The upper portion of the river may be divided into the East and West forks of the Neosho, the former rising in Highland Township and running north for a few miles, when its course becomes easterly until it reaches Parkerville. Before it reaches Parkerville, however, it receives the water of Level Creek, a small stream running in an easterly direction through the upper portion of Highland Township.

From Parkerville the course of the river is south by east, receiving on its way the waters of Haun Creek and Crooked Creek, which enter it from the south and about a mile apart. Both of these creeks take their rise in the north of Elm Creek Township, one in Section 6 and the other in Section 4. Flowing now in a southeasterly direction, and at a point about five miles from Parkerville, the Neosho receives the water of Lard's Creek, which is a stream of considerable size, and which takes its rise in Ohio Township close to the northern boundary line of the county, and a little below this it receives the tribute of Gilmore Creek, which, rising in Elm Creek Township, flows in an easterly direction until it empties into the West Fork of the Neosho as it passes through the southwest corner of Neosho Township.

About one mile from this point Slough Creek adds its tribute. This creek rises a little north of the center of Ohio Township, and is about twelve miles in length, its course being due south. In the northeastern portion of the County, Munker's Creek, and Middle Creek, after being fed by several smaller streams, form a junction, and these constitute the East Fork of the Neosho. The two forks unite at the south side of Section 3, in Council Grove Township, and at this point it may be said the Neosho River proper begins. Still containing its southeast course its waters are swelled by those of Big and Little John creeks, which have their rise in Warren Township and run in a southerly direction until they empty into the Neosho a few miles south of the City of Council Grove.

Its last northern tributary in the county is Rock Creek, quite an important stream, and which has its rise in Wabaunsee County, and which enters Morris County at the dividing line between Warren and Valley townships, and from thence it flows due south along the eastern boundary of the county until it mingles its waters with those of the Neosho at a point near the village of Dunlap. After the junction of the two forks is formed, its southern and western feeders are Canning Creek, Elm Creek and Four Mile Creek, which flow almost in a northeasterly direction, and Indian Creek, which runs in a due easterly course along the southern boundary line of Valley Township and the county.

After having been fed by these different streams and creeks, the Neosho leaves the county at a point about two miles north of the southeast corner, and one mile south of the village of Dunlap. In Diamond Valley Township, which is the southwest township of the county, there is quite a stream, named Diamond Creek, which flows in a southeasterly direction, whose tributaries are Six Mile Creek, and two or three smaller creeks of but little importance. In the northwest township, there is a stream of considerable size, named Clark's Creek. This creek is about fifteen miles in length and has its rise at the boundary line between Clark's Creek and Diamond Valley townships, and runs almost due north, receiving on its course the waters of the Mulberry and Shoemaker creeks, which are its tributaries, and passes out of the county at Skiddy, a point on the northern boundary line between Morris and Davis counties. In addition to these numerous water courses, there are several very excellent springs in the county, the two most important being Diamond Springs and Hill Springs, so that with the clear running streams and creeks, and her various bubbling springs, the county is well supplied with an abundance of good, pure water.

As it may be somewhat of a curiosity with some as to how the different streams and creeks received their names, we will now give their origin as believed to exist according to the facts, or as established by tradition. The Neosho river was named by the Kaw Indians long before Kansas was thought of as a land of settlement for the white man. The tradition, as it came from the Indians, is that about three-fourths of century ago, a party of Indians traveling westward from the Missouri River, had been long suffering for water, and had come to stream after stream, only to find them dried up. At length they came upon a stream containing water, and in their delight at finding it they cried out Ne-o-sho which being literally translated, means Ne, water; o sho stream-in, or as put in plain English, "Stream with water in it." Hence the name Neosho.

Rock Creek, which is the next largest stream in the county was originally named and known by the Indians as Ne-co-its-ah-ba which means "Dead Man's Creek." This name was given to it by the Indians on account of the terrible slaughter that once took place upon its banks between two tribes of hostile Indians. The modern name of "Rock Creek" was given to it by westward bound travelers on account of the rocky bluffs that line its banks. The name "Munker's Creek" indicates its origin. It was named after J. C. Munkers, who was the first white man to settle upon its banks. "Elm Creek" takes its name from the magnificent elm trees by which it is bordered.

When Gen. J. C. Fremont in 1846, was exploring the "Great American Desert" to find a way to the West, he had in the company under his charge a man who was known by his comrades as "Big John." At a point where the old Santa Fe trail crossed the creek, there is a bluff of considerable size from which flows a large spring of beautiful clear water. While Fremont was in this region, Big John, on one of his foraging expeditions, discovered this spring, which is located near the head of the creek, and hence the name of "Big John Creek," by which it has since been known. The rocks about the spring have inscribed upon them the date of its discovery, and by whom discovered.

Travelers on their way to Santa Fe over the old trail, while passing through that portion of Morris County now known as Diamond Valley Township, once came upon a cluster of magnificent springs which they hailed with as much delight as the poor pilgrim hails an oasis in the desert. So pure, clear and sparkling was the water that they named them Diamond Springs, and thus the stream flowing from them derived the name of Diamond Creek.

About 1836 an exploring party under the charge of Lewis and Clark, had found its way as far west as Morris County and encamped on the bank of a stream in the northwestern portion of the county, to which they gave the name of Clark, and hence the present name of "Clark's Creek." "Lard's Creek" is named after the first settler upon its margin, William F. Lard. "Slough Creek" takes its name from the sloughy character of the land along its course. "Canning Creek" and "Gilmore Creek" are named after first settlers in their vicinity. "Four Mile Creek" is thus named because it is just four miles south from Council Grove.

Early History
The history of Council Grove may be said to be the history of Morris County, as it has been the scene of almost every interesting incident that has transpired in the county, not only since its organization, but for long before. The point from which commences the history of the county ante-dates Territorial days, and begins as far back as 1847.

What is now Council Grove has been mentioned by travelers as far back as 1820, but this mention has no bearing whatever upon any of the facts, incidents, happenings and transactions that go to make up the history proper of the county, all of which transpired in 1846, and subsequent thereto. It may assist the reader so conspicuously in Kansas History to state here, that by a treaty concluded with the Indians in 1825, the United States Government procured the right of way for a public highway from the Missouri River to the eastern boundary of Mexico, which, having been established, passed into history as the "Sante Fe Trail." This trail ran through Morris County, and part of it now constitutes the Main street of Council Grove.

Until 1847 the territory now embraced in Morris County was held by the various Indian tribes as neutral ground, upon which all had a right in common to hunt on its soil and fish in its streams, and the wooded belts along the Neosho and its tributaries formed excellent hunting fields. A treaty was made with the Kaw tribe of Indians in the latter part of 1846, or early in 1847, by which a tract of land twenty miles square was obtained for a reservation, which included the land on which is built the town of Council Grove.

In the spring of 1847 the Kaws were moved on to the land embraced within the limits of the reservation. Up to this time not a white man was settled upon the soil of Morris County. In the fall of the same year, one Seth M. Hays, a citizen of Westport, Missouri, having obtained a license from the Government to trade with the Indians, came to the Kaw reservation and established his trading post at Council Grove. Other traders followed soon after, the next that arrived being the Choteau Brothers, in 1848, and a trader named Kennedy in 1849.

The Sante Fe Trail to New Mexico having been established, a contract was let by the Government, in 1849, to Waldo, Hall & Co., to carry the United States mail to Santa Fe, a point seven hundred miles west of the Missouri River. For a number of years after the trail was opened Council Grove was the only trading post between Independence, Mo., and Santa Fe, and, as a consequence, became a point of considerable importance to westward bound travelers.

The Methodist Episcopal Church, with a commendable desire to cultivate and enlighten the mind of "Lo, the poor Indian," did, in 1850, enter into a contract with the Government to establish a school for the education of the Kaws. To further the plan of enlightenment, the Board of Missions did, in the same year, erect a stone mission or schoolhouse, at Council Grove, and sub-contracted with T. S. Huffaker to teach the school, who acted in the capacity of teacher until 1854, when the school was discontinued. Besides the mission school several other buildings were put up in 1850, and among them a depot for the storage of government supplies and other military material. The Mail Company also put up several buildings, and all the inhabitants of Council Grove at that time, and, in fact, in Morris County, were those either in Government employ or in possession of permits from the same, numbering some twenty-five in all.

At that time the Kaw Indians on the reservation numbered about 1,700, and the agent of the tribe resided at Westport, Mo., that law at that time not requiring these gentlemen, to whom was entrusted the care and overseership of the Indians, to reside upon the agency. Things at the "Post," as it was called, moved along peacefully and quietly until 1854 each year adding a few to the population, and as a trading post Council Grove was well known. Seth M. Hays built the first house that was erected, not only in Council Grove, but in Morris County, which was a log store on the west bank of the Neosho River, on the old Santa Fe trail, near to the east end of the bridge which now spans that stream, and directly opposite the ground on which now stands the Commercial House.

In 1854, Kansas became a Territory by the passage of the act by Congress known as the Kansas-Nebraska bill. Soon after the passage of the bill, Mr. Reeder was appointed Governor of the new Territory of Kansas, and soon thereafter, with a full corps of staff officers, arrived at Council Grove, which he contemplated making the capital. In this he failed, however, owing to the fact that the land required for that purpose could not be obtained from the Indians.

Up to this time no attempts at settlement had been made in any other portion of the county than Council Grove, but in 1854 we find that one J. C. Munkers took a claim, and settled upon what is now known as Munkers' Creek, in Neosho Township.

About one of the first official acts of Gov. Reeder was to order an election for members of the Territorial Legislature. In the election proclamation, the Territory was divided into election districts, and the district of which Morris County then formed a part, placed two candidates in the field, one of whom was A. I. Baker, and the other Mobillon McGee.

At that time party excitement ran high, one party being designated as "Free-state" men, and the other as "Border Ruffians." The Territory at that time was not divided into counties. The Free-state men put forth Baker as their candidate, and the "Border Ruffians" placed McGee in nomination. The real issue was whether Kansas should, ultimately, be admitted to the Union as a free or slave state, and as both the free States of the North and the slave States of the South had been planting colonies over the populated portions of the Territory, preparatory to the struggle that was sure to take place for the ascendance, the agitation and excitement attending the first Territorial election was exceedingly high, and but very little friction would have been required to create a blaze.

The election was held on the 30th day of March, 1855. Baker was fairly elected, and received his certificate of election from the Governor, but McGee, on some trumped-up cause, contested the seat with him, and border ruffian element being largely in the ascendancy in the Legislature, Baker was denied the seat and McGee was seated. The Legislature that convened shortly after, by virtue of this election, divided a large portion of the Territory into counties, and according to the division thus made, the county of Wise (now Morris), was created.

The system adopted by the Legislature for organizing the counties was very simple and easily carried out. In many instances several counties were formed into one district with only one organization, so that the several counties constituting one district would be, virtually, nothing more than municipal townships. Thus Wise (Morris), Breckinridge (Lyon), Madison (Greenwood), were comprised in one district, and the place designated by law for the transaction of business pertaining to the district was Columbia, in Madison County, a point about two miles east of the present city of Emporia, so that for judicial and revenue purposes, Wise County occupied the position of a municipal township attached to Breckinridge County.

The same Legislature that divided the Territory into counties and districts also appointed the several Boards of Supervision for the government of each. Those appointed for the district above described were T. S. Huffaker, C. H. Withington, and Harmon B. Elliott. The law provided that the chairman of the board should be ex officio Probate Judge, and Mr. Huffaker, of Morris, having been appointed chairman, became thereby Probate Judge.

The Drought of 1860
Owing to the belief that prevailed in the greater portion of the country that no corn could be raised in Kansas on account of the severe droughts that visited the "Great American Desert," of which Kansas was considered a part, no attempt was made to raise this cereal until five years after the first white settlers had located in Morris County. The first corn planted in the county was on the farm which was opened for the benefit of the Kaw school in 1851. The rainfall that year was plentiful, and, contrary to expectations, the yield was large. The success of this crop gave the settlers encouragement, and the following year corn was planted extensively. It proved almost a failure, and for the next six years that followed, owing to scarcity of rains and hot winds, not more than half a crop was raised, and some seasons it fell far short of even this.

In 1858 and 1859 the crop was tolerably fair, and 1860 gave promise of abundant crops and a glorious harvest. Throughout the spring the weather was all that could be desired, and the promising crops filled the hearts of the people with gladness. The cup was only raised to their lips that it might be dashed to the ground before they tasted of its sweetness. May came and went, but no rain. June was fast passing away, and yet not the slightest indication of rain was visible in the clear, blue sky. Towards the latter end of June the fierce and scorching siroccos set in, and by the first of July all vegetation was utterly ruined, and the face of the country that in the beginning of May gave such bright promise of yielding an abundant harvest, was so burned and parched that it resembled one great Sahara. Nothing green was visible; not a blade of grass, not a leaf on a tree or bush but what scorched and withered. Wheat, oats, corn garden vegetables, berries, vines, fruit, everything, was all dried up and burned to a crisp. Cattle and other animals sought shelter and protection from the scorching winds by seeking pools of water in the beds of the streams, and standing or lying in them during their prevalence, and men would remain shut up in their houses, unless actually compelled to go out, while they continued to blow, which, usually, would be from 10 a.m. to about 5 p.m.

Not a single bushel of corn was raised in Morris County that year. This was a very severe stroke upon the settlers, all of whom had but limited means and depended upon their crops for a livelihood. Some became discouraged and moved away, and that they did so was not to be wondered at, because very few care to meet starvation, and this was what threatened them if they remained. Others, and by far the greater number, remained, determined to put the capabilities of Kansas soil to a further test. Some would say that "one swallow did not make a summer," adding that, "it was a strange country that had no drawbacks."

The question that was uppermost in their minds, however, and one that caused them considerable anxiety was: "How can we procure subsistence during the year, and seed for next season?" To men in their situation this was a very serious and perplexing question, and one extremely difficult of solution. Want became so pressing, and poverty so pinching, that appeals for aid were made to the liberally disposed of other States, not only for the people of Morris County, but for those of the entire State. The appeals were not made in vain, and the supplies came pouring in by the train loads. All the relief supplies were sent to Atchison, which was made the distributing depot for all other parts of the State, but Morris County being then on the extreme frontier, and one hundred and seventy miles from the base of supplies, her people had great difficulty in obtaining relief.

The only way of getting to Atchison was by team, and oft and again did poor and needy settlers find their way to Atchison only to discover that they had their pains for their labor. This was a most trying time for the settlers, and during the fall and winter of 1860, and the first half of 1861, the people suffered great hardships. For the first five months of 1861 the people were fed by charity. Food, clothing, and provisions were furnished by the liberal people of the East, and also seed wheat, oats, corn, potatoes, etc. Had it not been for this timely succor most of the settlers would have been compelled to abandon their homes, as they were utterly destitute of absolute necessities and without means to buy. It was some years before the county recovered from the effects of this blow, and the tide of immigration that had set in towards the county began to recede.

Indian Troubles
Prior to the organization of Kansas into a Territory, and for a long time subsequent thereto, great trouble was experienced arising from the uncertainty which existed as to what was the true boundary of the land set apart for the Kaw Reservation. Settlers were commencing to come in considerable numbers, and, being ignorant of the boundary lines of the Reservation, many of them took claims and settled within the prescribed limits. This caused no little amount of trouble between the settlers and the Indians, which, on certain occasions, threatened to be serious. This state of affairs coming to the knowledge of Gov. Reeder, he, shortly after his appointment as Governor of the Territory, requested the authorities at Washington to furnish him with a correct and authenticated map of the Territory, on which would be clearly defined and marked the lands embraced within the Indian Reservation.

In due time the request was complied with, and the Governor received one of "Eastman's Maps," which was duly certified as being correct by Col. Manypenny, the then Commissioner of Indian Affairs. The location given to the Kaw Reservation by this map was west and south of Council Grove. This indicated that the lands lying between Council Grove and the eastern boundary line of the county were open for settlement by the whites, and being thus understood, many settlers made claims and located in the vicinity of Rock Creek, and also in the Neosho Valley north and south of Council Grove, under the impression and belief that in so doing they were locating upon the public domain.

Each year brought its complement of settlers, and in those days of trouble and uncertainty, each sought a location as near to the center of population as possible, and as a consequence, the lands located along the Neosho River were eagerly sought and readily taken. Two causes, and, probably, a third, contributed to the desirability of these lands. The first, doubtless, was the heavy belt of timber on either side of the stream; the second, the choice and fertile soil of the valley; and the third, their proximity to Council Grove, which, by this time, was a point of considerable importance as regards trade, and, also, as considered, in point of population. Council Grove being then the extreme western trading post, and being surrounded upon three sides by Indians, who, however peaceable they seemed might, at any moment, be moved to acts of hostility, had a tendency to cause the settlers to avoid isolation, and to make their settlement as compact as the circumstances would admit of.

Year by year the Indians beheld their territory encroached upon by the whites, and their best hunting grounds gradually slipping from their control, and soon began to exhibit signs of restlessness. This spirit of restlessness developed itself in 1857, by loud complaints being sent to the Great Father at Washington, in which the grievances of the Indians were set forth. On these being made known to the authorities, the then agent for the Kaw tribe, John Montgomery, was ordered to have the lands of the Reservation re-surveyed and the boundary lines distinctly marked. The survey made in accordance with this order unsettled things generally, as according to the boundary lines of the Reservation as established by this survey, its limits extended five miles west of Council Grove, and fifteen miles east, and ten miles north and ten miles south, so that had Council Grove been located five miles further to the east, it would according to the Montgomery survey, have been the exact center of the Kaw reservation.

The result of this survey was, that all the settlers who had located on any portion of the territory embraced within the twenty miles square defined in the Montgomery survey as the Kaw Reservation, became trespassers upon Indian land and were notified to leave. This promised to give rise to serious complications between the whites and Indians, and also between the settlers and the Government. The people had taken their claims and made settlement in good faith, having all due respect for the lands embraced in the Reservation as described by the Eastman authenticated map, furnished by the Government to Governor Reeder and without any intention whatever, of perpetrating any wrong upon the Indians; and when notified to surrender their claims after having made valuable improvements thereon, became justly indignant and exasperated.

It was now their turn to send up their grievances to Washington, which they did, and upon proper presentation of their case to the authorities, Commissioners were appointed to appraise the value of improvements made, and award compensation in accordance therewith. This was done, and each settler was awarded what was considered adequate compensation for the improvements he had made, and thus the threatened complications were, for the present, overcome. Had they received the full face value of their awards, the compensation would have been reasonable fair, but the United States Treasury being at time in a somewhat depleted condition they were given what was known as "Kaw Land Scrip," from which they only realized about fifty cents on the dollar.

The year 1859 will long be memorable in Morris County. At that time the population of the county was about 600, most of whom were settled either in Council Grove, or its immediate vicinity. The Indians, though apparently friendly, would occasionally, whenever good opportunity presented, steal the settlers' horses and whatever else they could lay their hands upon, if they thought they could do so without detection. In their practice of these peculations, they had stolen two horses, and these were demanded of them by the whites, and also that the thieves should be surrendered for punishment. While the settlers were never without their apprehension of trouble from the Indians, yet at this particular juncture they little thought it was so near at hand.

At an early hour on the morning of June 2, 1859, the whole community was thrown into commotion, if not consternation, by a band of about one hundred Kaw Indians who came galloping into Council Grove all painted, feathered, and fully equipped for war. The older settlers, who had been taught by experience the meaning of these warlike indications, saw at a glance that the savages were bent on mischief, and that great danger was impending. Taken thus unawares for a short time they were at a loss how to act, but they knew they were at the mercy of the Indians. If they were fearful of the consequences, they knew enough not to make their fears known to the newer settlers, lest an alarm might be created that would lead to a panic, and they also knew enough to present as bold a front as possible to the Indians, and thus the wiser heads determined to await further developments.

On came the Indians down Main street from the west until the head of the line came in front of the store of S. M. Hays, where a halt was ordered. Their leader was Ah-le-gah-wah-ho, who, about a year before, had been deposed as chief of the tribe and another put in his place. After halting his warriors, the leader rode up to Mr. Hayes and, still sitting on his pony, addressed his as follows: "You sent for these two horses which my boys stole from a Mexican trader. You sent us word that we must not only give up the horses, but that we must turn over to your people the two men who stole the horses, that your people may punish them. The horses you can have, but the men you can't have without a fight."

Hays controlled himself as best he could, well knowing that if a fight should ensue the Indians would have all the advantage, as they had come fully prepared for such an emergency. Ah-le-gah-wah-ho, taking his silence for fear, began to taunt and insult the whites, and to heap abuse upon them for interesting themselves about a Mexican, who was not a white man, and who was no better than an Indian, and also told them very plainly that they should not meddle with what did not concern them. The abuse was too much for Hays and he lost his temper, and told his clerk to reach him two revolvers that were lying behind the counter in the store.

While this parley was going on, the Indians had broken their formation; some went galloping through the cross streets while the main body gathered around their leader, and completely filled Main Street in front of Hays' store. When Hays had received the revolvers from the clerk he fired them into the air in front of the Indians, in doing which he had a double purpose, one was to frighten the Indians, and the other to warn the settlers to get armed and be ready for whatever might occur. The Indians only wanted a pretext to commence the fight, and instead of being frightened by the firing of Hays, some of the more impetuous among the warriors cried out, "Hays is shooting at us, shoot him." On hearing this, Hays retired within his store and shut the door, but two or three white men who were on the street became targets for the Indians. Whatever words were exchanged between the Indian leader and Mr. Hays, was done through Mr. T. S. Huffaker, who acted as interpreter.

Some of the young bloods among the Indians, more fiery than the others, on hearing the cry, "shoot him," fired, and one man by the name of Charles Gilkey, who was standing beside the interpreter, received a dangerous arrow wound in the lower part of the neck. Another young man by the name of Parks, while in the act of crossing the street received a dangerous bullet wound which stretched him senseless on the ground. Everybody supposed that Parks was killed. Mr. Huffaker, who had been the Indian school teacher from 1850 to 1854, and who spoke the Kaw language fluently, and who was greatly respected by the tribe, on seeing what had been done, and knowing well that still greater danger was threatened, told the Indians that they had killed one man and probably mortally wounded another, and that they had better leave town as soon as possible, as the white people would surely avenge the outrage and injury.

The Indians instantly wheeled their horses and galloped out of town, and in less than an hour's time all their tents, which before had been visible on the high ground south of Elm Creek, which runs immediately south of Council Grove, were struck and packed, after which the tribe took up its march in the direction of Four Mile Creek, where, in addition to artificial means of defense they could also have the advantage of those, which, in this locality, nature offered. No sooner had the Indians left town than the whites assembled to counsel together as to what was best to do. Messengers were sent all over the country and into the neighboring counties to apprise the people of what had happened, and to warn them of the impending danger, and for as many of them as possibly could come, to hasten to Council Grove as soon as possible. The whites decided upon a war, and, if necessary, to prosecute it to extermination. Of those present a company of forty men immediately organized of which H. J. Epsey was elected Captain, and W. H. White, Lieutenant.

Immediate war was decided to be inevitable, all believing, as expressed in council, that if the Kaws were allowed to go unpunished for the outrage committed by them that morning, there would be no safety for the whites thereafter. The company, forty strong, armed with various kinds of weapons, some with rifles, some with shot-guns, and some with revolvers, marched off in the direction of where the Indians had taken up their position. They found the Indians prepared to meet them, having sent all their squaws, papooses and old men of to a safe distance. When within about two hundred yards or so of where the Indians had posted themselves, the company halted for further deliberation.

The Indians were about four hundred strong, and had posted themselves to the best advantage. They tantalized the whites after they had halted, and beckoned them to come on. Notwithstanding their paucity of numbers and inferior arms, many of the whites were very anxious to be led against the red men, although to have done so, could only have resulted in their utter destruction. Were it not for their earnestness in the matter, the idea of forty men, poorly armed, insisting on being led against four hundred savages, all well armed with rifle, bow, and tomahawk, and all trained to fight from boyhood, might be set down as Quixotic. It may speak well for their bravery, but is a poor recommendation of their discretion.

Wiser counsel prevailed, however, and a few of the older settlers who clearly saw the terrible consequences that would result from too hasty action on the part of the company, interposed, and asked the officers to postpone further action, while some one authorized to speak for them, went forward to communicate with the Indians, and, if possible, avert further bloodshed. In doing this, another object would be accomplished, inasmuch as it would give the settlers from the surrounding country and adjacent counties time to reach Council Grove, form, and march to their assistance.

The older heads among the settlers saw that to undertake to carry out the desire of those who were anxious for immediate fight, would only lead to useless slaughter, and would put in jeopardy the life of every white person within a radius of twenty miles, very wisely counseled delay. This was the trying moment for the settlers of Morris County, because not only their own lives and those of their wives and children, but the lives of those in adjoining counties depended upon their action.

When the word of that had been done and was going on went abroad, the settlers were not slow in responding to the call, and in a short time they commenced to assemble in Council Grove as fast as horses could carry them. Those who had wives and children, brought them with them, deeming it safer to have them in town than to leave them unprotected at home. All the women and children were placed in the Kaw Mission, a substantially built stone building, 36x50 feet, and two stories high, which was erected in 1850, as a school-house, in which to educate these same Indians they were now going to fight. That afternoon about 150 men organized and marched to reinforce the company of forty men that had gone down in the forenoon.

Having decided to communicate with the Indians, the next thing to be considered was who would be the man to undertake it. The man that would undertake it would risk his life in so doing, but T. S. Huffaker seeing that the slightest mistake would bring on a conflict, volunteered to be the negotiator between the whites and the Indians, than whom no man was better qualified for the undertaking. Having taught the mission school from 1850 to 1854, many of the Indians had set under his instructions, and he was perfectly familiar with all their habits and customs, and also with their language, and, in addition to these the Indians looked upon him with a kind of reverence.

There was a space of about two hundred yards between where the whites halted and there the Indians had taken up their position, and from where they were stationed the Kaws could see that the whites were being rapidly reinforced, because as parties arrived at Council Grove from the more distant places they immediately hastened to join their brother whites where the danger was most threatening. The whites could now press their demand with a show of strength which if not sufficient to insure compliance, would cause the Kaws to treat with seeming respect, at least, any person sent by the whites to treat with them. Mr. Huffaker was authorized to go to the Kaws and demand in the name of the whites the surrender of the two Indians who had that morning shot Gilkey and Parks, to be dealt with as should be decided upon by a council of whites. The settlers preserved their line formation and as Mr. Huffaker proceeded slowly down towards the Indians each man stood ready to advance at the first indication of treachery towards him.

Mr. Huffaker was met by the chief to whom he made known the proposition he was authorized to make, whereupon a council of Indians was held and the decision arrived at was that they would surrender the Indian who shot Parks, but not the one who shot Gilkey, as they could not tell by whom he was wounded. This was only a device to save the Indian by whom Gilkey was shot, because they knew at the time that he was sitting with them as one of the council. He was a young chief, much loved and honored by his tribe and their great desire was to save him if possible. Mr. Huffaker told them he would go back and notify his people of their decision.

By this time the number of whites had increased to be about equal that of the Indians, and Mr. Huffaker knew that every minute's time gained was to the advantage of the whites. He returned to the Indians and told them that nothing short of a surrender of both Indians would satisfy his people. On hearing this the Indians offered $8,000 and forty ponies as satisfaction for the shooting of Gilkey, but Mr. Huffaker refused to entertain the proposition.

On hearing this ultimatum of the whites the young chief who was guilty of the shooting arose and left the council, but returned in a short time all armed and prepared for fight. Addressing the council he said that inasmuch as they had about decided to surrender him to the whites, thereby sanctioning his death, he would sell his life as dearly as possible, and signified his intention of first killing his own chief and then the white man who demanded his surrender. This address was a little too late in coming, because had a fight ensued then the advantage in numbers and arms was on the side of the whites.

The fiery speech of the youth had no effect towards stirring up the older warriors, but still they hesitated to give him up. They tried every way to save the young chief, but to no purpose. They increased the money offer to $10,000, but Mr. Huffaker told them that money was no object. They had committed an outrage upon the settlers, and had shed the blood of two of their people, and unless both were given up his people were determined to fight.

"You may kill some of us," said Mr. Huffaker, "but it will be the last of your tribe, because white men will come who will avenge us, and even now soldiers are on their way from Fort Riley. Now, I shall walk to my people and remain there while I count twenty, and will then walk back half way to where I shall set this stick, and there I shall again count twenty, and if both Indians are not surrendered by that time, I shall return to my people and upon you rest the consequences."

Having thus conveyed his intentions to the Indians Mr. Huffaker turned around and deliberately walked back to where the whites were standing in line, resting upon their arms. Having counted to twenty he slowly walked back to where he had set the stick and again counted twenty, but no sign was given by the Indians to indicate their willingness to comply with his demand. Believing the Indians meant to fight he turned again to rejoin the whites, and had gone but a few steps when the Indians called to him and told him the two guilty ones should be given up.

They were then brought forth, bound and tied, and delivered over to the whites. They were tried in no court, no judge heard their case, no attorney plead for them, no jury deliberated upon their guilt or innocence, they had wantonly shed the blood of two white men who had done them no injury, and, according to the Western notions of dealing with such offenders, justice demanded that they should suffer death. This was the verdict, and in compliance therewith both were hung where the lumber yard now stands, on the south side of Main street, between the river and the court house.

The Indians came and took away their remains, and whether they merited such condign punishment or not, it was certainly a pitying sight to see the mother of the young chief cut and lacerate her head, neck and breast, and with the blood that flowed from her self-inflicted wounds rub the post on which her son had breathed his last. Some time after this the United States grand jury took cognizance of the matter and indicted for murder several of the parties supposed to be implicated in the hanging. They were tried, but nothing came of it beyond the expense and inconvenience they suffered in consequence thereof.

Sale of the Kaw Lands
Up to this time and for some time subsequent Morris County had been exceedingly slow of settlement. Three causes contributed to this result. First, Kansas was still considered by many as part of the "Great American Desert," altogether barren and unproductive. Second, it was the home of various tribes of Indians who were either openly or secretly hostile to white settlement; and third, and the one that bore most against the settlement of Morris County, was the uncertainty that attached to the Kaw Reservation lands. If people located upon desirable claims they had no certainty of being left in peaceable possession. They did not know but that after having made valuable improvements it might be discovered, as had been the case once before, that they had settled upon Indian lands and would be dispossessed.

Ever since 1854 promises had been made by the Government or by parties speaking for it, that the Indian title to the lands would be extinguished and that they would be thrown open for settlement, but years of feud, strife and uncertainty had passed without anything in this direction having been done. The effect that this state of uncertainty had upon the settlement of the county will be better understood when it is known that nearly one-half of the entire land in the country was embraced within the Kaw Reservation. The Indians were desirous of parting with their title to the lands, and had repeatedly expressed a willingness to dispose of them and move further west, but no notice had ever been taken of their offers.

In 1859, one Alfred B. Greenwood was appointed Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and was either sent, or came upon his own motion, to negotiate with the various tribes of Indians for their lands. Whatever schemes or plans were gotten up by the agents of the Government for their own benefit in connection with these lands, is no part of this history, and will only be mentioned in a passing manner, in order that the work may be better understood. Without notifying the local agent, stationed upon the lands, of his coming, Greenwood one day made his appearance at the old Kaw agency, four miles east of Council Grove, and immediately called a council of the Indians, to whom he made known the contents and stipulations of a treaty that purported to have been prepared at Washington.

Some of the Indians came to Council Grove and apprised the citizens of what was going on at the agency, and instantly nearly every one in the place hastened to the spot to prevent what they considered a gross and outrageous swindle. The settlers presented their case to the Commissioner and insisted upon a modification of the treaty, and, to some extent, succeeded; but their demand to have a provision inserted recognizing the rights of those who had settled upon the lands prior to the Montgomery survey, was not conceded. The treaty was signed, and among its many provisions was one providing for the sale of 150,000 acres of the land to the highest bidder. The bids were to be submitted under seal, and a commission was to be appointed by which the lands were to be appraised. When the appraisers were appointed the settlers presented a statement of their case to them, and succeeded in having the lands appraised at a maximum of $1.75 per acre, the minimum being fixed at seventy-five cents.

The treaty made by Greenwood with the Indians gave rise to great dissatisfaction among the whites, and a public meeting was called to give expression to their feelings upon the same. It was decided by the meeting to send a delegate to Washington to prevent, if possible, the ratification of the treaty by the United States, and Judge Elmore was chosen to delegate. When the treaty came up for ratification in the Senate, it was amended so that all settlers who had made improvements upon their lands prior to 1857, licensed traders, and all other persons lawfully residing on the lands, should have their claims adjusted by the Secretary of the Interior, and that they should have the lands upon which they had settled and made improvements, at the appraised value of $1.75 per acre.

Another difficulty now arose, which relates more particularly to Council Grove history than to that of Morris County. Under the law that gave parties the right to organize themselves into town companies, those who had made improvements upon the land known as the "town site" formed themselves into a town company, and claimed the land in common except one, and he was the agent of Jacob Hall. His refusal to take part in the organization arose from the fact that Hall claimed a section of land by virtue of act of Congress, as mail contractor, and the section that he claimed embraced that included in the town site. After the Greenwood treaty had been amended and ratified by the Senate, the Town Company immediately presented its claim for the land to the Secretary of the Interior and asked for a patent.

They now learned for the first time, that Hall had anticipated them, and had made application for the same land, basing his claim on an act of Congress, and ignoring the treaty recently made and ratified. From these opposing claims arose a fierce and bitter contest, both sides employing the ablest counsel they could procure. The contest was a protracted one, but finally the land was awarded to the Town Company and they received patents therefor. For a long time the decision was supposed to have settled forever all disputes between Hall and the Town Company over this land, but Hall dying about seven years afterwards, his heirs brought suit for the recovery of the land, which suit is still pending, or was until recently, in the Circuit Court of the United States.

The Greenwood Treaty
Several years later, in 1862, renewed trouble arose on account if this Greenwood treaty. By the provisions of the treaty a commission was appointed to allot the lands to the several members of the Kaw Indians, giving to each forty acres. The land to be thus allotted was denominated the "Diminished Reserve," and upon this some white people had settled as early as 1856, and though they had been regularly warned off about every year since the Montgomery survey in 1857, they persisted in holding their claims. The admonitions and warnings of the Government were utterly disregarded, until finally the Government sent a company of soldiers to remove them. Knowing well the utter inutility of resisting United States troops, the settlers offered no further resistance, but quietly packed up their goods and departed from the Reservation. The following day the soldiers, also, took their departure, but they were not gone over twenty-four hours when the settlers all moved back on to their claims.

The Government finding that, in order to keep the settlers out of possession and to prevent a conflict between the whites and the Indians, it would be necessary to establish a military post, made a proposition to the settlers to pay them for their improvements, which was accepted, and thus the complications that arose over the Diminished Reservation were peacefully settled and amicably adjusted.

During 1861 and 1862 the population of the county remained about stationary, neither increasing nor diminishing, although the vote cast in 1862 was a little less than that of 1861, which, doubtless, can be accounted for by the fact of a number of the people going into the army. There is, probably, no county in the State that has experienced such trouble over the Indian lands within its boundary as has Morris County. They have been a perpetual drawback to the county almost to the present time, and frequently gave rise to difficulties that threatened serious results.

Thus in 1862 we had the "Kaw Trust Lands" coming up as a bone of considerable contention. Under the Greenwood treaty, these lands to be advertised for sale and the bids were to be made under seal. The settlers having received, through a friend in Washington, a copy of the appraisement, bid in every instance the exact price fixed by the appraisers. Month after month passed by but still the settlers heard nothing from their bids. They called upon their representatives in Congress for information, but could receive no satisfactory answer.

While in this state of doubt and uncertainty as to the disposition of the lands, it was brought to their knowledge that some parties had overbid them a few cents on the acre, and such a storm of indignation broke forth that showed they were in no spirit to be tampered with. They demanded of their Senators and Representatives in Congress an explanation of the facts connected with the bids, but these gentlemen could not enlighten them. Through a friend in Washington they ascertained that one Robert Corwin, of Ohio, was the highest bidder for about seventy of the choicest claims, he having bid from one to ten cents an acre more than the settlers.

On learning this the wrath of the people knew no bounds, and they instantly made their case known to Hon. J. N. Lane, who was at that time United States Senator from Kansas, and to Hon. A. C. Wilder, who was then Representative in Congress. These gentlemen immediately addressed a communication, of which the following is a copy, to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs:

In order to give better and more forcible expression to their indignation, a meeting of the settlers was held at Council Grove, on April 4, 1863, and in the preamble and resolutions adopted they pledged themselves to stand together as one man in favor of the settler. They resolved that any person, either at home or abroad, who attempted to rob a settler of his claim was no better than a robber, and should and would be treated as such. The Interior Department at Washington was strongly condemned and denounced. They resolved that the robberies committed upon the Government and the Indian by Corwin and others in building contracts were a disgrace to the nation; that they had reason to believe that Corwin received $20,000 from Stevens' contract for putting up buildings for the Indians; that they would defend their rights to their lands to the utmost extremity, and before yielding to heartless speculators and robbers they would destroy their improvements and would pursue any other course that would render the locality extremely disagreeable and uncomfortable for speculators or their agents. The people were thoroughly aroused and in earnest, and any effort to enforce the award to Corwin would surely have caused bloodshed. The opposition to the lands being awarded to Corwin was so great and promised to be productive of so much trouble that all the bids submitted for the "Trust Lands" were rejected, and on August 31, 1863, the lands were again advertised, and bids were to be received until October 5 following.

In 1860 and 1861, one Robert Stevens, who had previously entered into a large contract with the Government to build houses for the Indians, finished his contract, having erected in all one 150 stone houses, but as the old settlers of Morris County still characterized the job as a huge swindle, and as it has little bearing upon the history of the county, we will say nothing concerning it further than that after the houses were completed the Indians used them for stables and dwelt in their tents.

Border Troubles
We now arrive at that period when events took place that not only startled the settlers of Morris County, but the people of the whole country, the year that ushered in the War of the Rebellion. After the commencement of hostilities between the North and the South, the people of the county were kept in a constant state of feverish excitement by perpetual threatened invasion from hostile Indians on the south and west, and by incursions of guerrillas and bushwhackers from Missouri, who, after committing all manner of violence in the eastern portion of the State, were working to the mountains and plains of New Mexico and Colorado where they could prey upon trains crossing the plains, and murder all the defenseless people who favored the Union. It was during one of the bushwhacking raids in 1862, by the gang known as Bill Anderson's, that Judge Baker, one of the most respected citizen of the county, and his brother-in-law, George Segur, were murdered at Baker's home on Rock Creek.

At the commencement of the war, the Anderson family, the male portion of which consisted of the old man and two sons, Bill and Jim, lived in Kansas and not a great way from Baker's. They were natives of Missouri, and had moved to Kansas in those ante bellum days when it was thought Kansas could be made a slave state by colonizing largely from the South. The people of the neighborhood looked upon the family as hard characters, and it was an open secret that they had committed several murders. To kill, steal, and plunder was their business, and they became quite a terror to the community.

The breaking out of the war opened up to them grand opportunities for carrying on their hellish business, of which they were not slow to take advantage. About this time several other desperate characters joined them, and among them one Lee Griffin, and a notorious scoundrel, named Reed. They established their headquarters at Council Grove, and from this point would sally out and commit all manner of depredations, including murder, rape and horse-stealing. In one of these marauding excursions they stole two horses from Mr. Segur, who was father-in-law to Judge Baker.

On hearing of this, Baker, with several others, started in pursuit and overtook the party on the Santa Fe trail, some distance west of Council Grove. The horses were recovered, and Baker swore out a warrant of arrest against the Andersons. This coming to the knowledge of old man Anderson, he swore he would take Baker's life, and arming himself with a rifle, and with murderous intent, he went to Baker's house. Baker having been previously informed of Anderson's design, met him prepared, and before the latter could carry out his murderous purpose Baker shot him dead.

The following night the young Andersons, with Griffin and Reed, went to Baker's house, intent on killing him, and called him out, but Baker, apprehensive that something of the kind would occur, had secured a friend or two to stay with him, and when he made his appearance he did so fully prepared and determined to sell his life as dearly as possible. Finding themselves thwarted in their purpose to kill Baker that night, they retired to the brush where they lay concealed watching for an opportunity to dispatch their victim. After thus waiting for a week or two without finding the opportunity they sought, they departed for Missouri, the resort during the war of guerrillas, bushwhackers and cut-throats.

More than a month passed by without anything being heard of the Andersons and their gang, and a faint hope began to be entertained that they had seen the last of them in the neighborhood, when on the morning of the second day of July, 1862, the Andersons were discovered skulking in the vicinity of Baker's house. They had returned the evening previous, and with them was another villain, a stranger, unknown to anyone in the community. Learning of Baker's absence from home, the Anderson gang secreted themselves in the neighborhood, leaving the stranger to watch Baker's house and apprise them of his return. On the evening of July 3, Baker, with his wife, returned from Emporia, which fact was immediately communicated by the stranger to the Andersons.

At that time Baker kept a supply store near the Santa Fe trail, which stood about seven or eight rods from his house. The Andersons were not long in perfecting their plans. The stranger was sent to Baker's house, instructed to tell him that he was "boss" of a train that was camped a short way off, and that he desired to purchase some supplies. Baker never having seen the stranger before, and this being a usual occurrence, was entirely free from suspicion, but yet in those unsettled times when every man on the frontier went armed, he took the precaution to buckle on a pair of revolvers, and thus prepared, and accompanied by his brother-in-law, George Segur, he went with the stranger to the store. It was now well into evening, so that under the darkness the Andersons could station themselves close to the store without running much risk of detection.

Baker had just about finished putting up the stranger's order when the Andersons, with their partners in crime, rushed into the store and fired, wounding both Baker and Segur in the first discharge. Taken thus by surprise, and being outnumbered two to one, Baker and Segur in their wounded condition sought shelter in the cellar, where the murderers sought to follow them, but Baker, firing through the cellar door, wounded Jim Anderson in the leg, breaking his thigh bone. The Andersons then withdrew from the building and set fire to it. In the cellar Baker told his brother-in-law that he was mortally wounded and could not live long, and advised Segur to escape through the cellar window, which, after much difficulty, he succeeded in doing.

While the store was being devoured by the flames, the desperadoes watched outside lest Baker should escape, and thus one of the most respected citizens of Morris County was burned to death in the cellar of his own store by this gang of cut-throats, after having been mortally wounded at their hands. Segur died from his wound on the following day. After finishing their hellish work in Morris County, the murderous gang returned to Missouri to ply their nefarious business of guerrilla warfare and bushwhacking.

Although Col. S. N. Wood had, by authority of the Secretary of War, and of the Governor of Kansas, organized the "Morris County Rangers" in the early part of the year 1863, guerrillas were not deterred from making plundering and murderous incursions into the country. Thus we find that on the 4th of May, 1863, Dick Yeager and his band of guerrillas encamped in the vicinity of Council Grove. No doubt his intention was to sack the town, but the people armed themselves and posted sentinels each night and frustrated his plans. After domineering over the citizens for some time with high hand, and using threats and insults, he withdrew with a portion of his band to Diamond Springs, where, without either ceremony or provocation, they shot and killed a citizen named Augustus Howell, and severely wounded his wife.

Another thing that tended to save Council Grove and its people from the ravages of Yeager, was the fact that Capt. Rowell, with a company of the Second Colorado Regiment, was stationed close to the town to guard the mails and Santa Fe trains. Throughout the year 1864, the people were kept constantly on the alert. Now it would be a guerrilla raid that would call them to arms, and now a visit from hostile Indians. Many were the depredations committed this year by marauding bands of both whites and Indians, but the people, knowing the insecurity of life and property in those harassing years, were always on the qui vive, and while the depredations perpetrated in the adjoining counties were quite serious, Morris County escaped with but few, and these were of a trifling character.

In the year 1867 occurred the lynching of one of the guerrillas, and the affair caused a great deal of excitement in Council Grove. In the fall of 1866 a man named McDowell came from Missouri and made Council Grove his stopping place. As was subsequently ascertained, McDowell, during the war was a guerrilla and bushwhacker, and when the war closed, having no desire to cultivate the arts of peace, became a desperado, and many are the dark deeds laid to his charge. Of these he boasted, and seemed to take pride in telling how many men he had killed in his time. People paid very little heed to his boasting at the time and set it all down to braggadocio. At that time one W. K. Pollard kept a livery stable in Council Grove, and one day McDowell went to the stable and hired a team for ostensible purpose of going to Junction City.

As the sequel proved, in hiring the team he had no other object than to steal it. Not returning that day Pollard became suspicious and started after him next morning. On reaching Junction City he found that McDowell had gone farther, and was, by that time, probably out of the State. His next step was to procure a requisition from Gov. Crawford, after which he started in pursuit of the thief, and succeeded in overtaking him at Nebraska City, where he arrested him and brought him back to Council Grove. Here he had a preliminary examination and was held for trial at the District Court.

In all probability he would have been tried by ordinary process of law but for a little transaction that took place that changed the aspect of affairs. While McDowell was under confinement it so happened by some mysterious agency that the Deputy Sheriff of Shawnee County, one Cunningham, put in an appearance, and whatever freemasonry existed between McDowell and Cunningham will never be known, but certain it is that Cunningham secretly passed McDowell a revolver for the evident purpose of securing his escape by shooting the guard. Cunningham was detected in the act, however, and before McDowell had an opportunity of using it for any purpose it was taken from him.

If ever Cunningham stood upon the brink of eternity it was then, for no sooner was it made known what he had done than he was surrounded by as an indignant and determined a set of men as ever cast a noose around the neck of a villain. He trembled with fear, and well he might, for he was facing a crowd of resolute men, never to be moved by threats, and, in his case, not easily moved by appeals for pity. The rope was prepared and certain doom seemed to await him, but through some mysterious and unaccountable agency, known only to the initiated, he was saved, but never will he be so near the grave again until he enters it, as he was upon that occasion. He immediately left town, nor did he stand upon the order of his going.

The more the people thought and talked of what had taken place, the more exasperated they became, and that same night a body of disgusted men surrounded the guard, seized McDowell and carried him to the center of the bridge that crosses the Neosho River at Council Grove. He begged and pleaded and screamed for mercy, but all his begging, pleading and screaming fell upon deaf ears, for he was about to taste of that kind of mercy that he, by his own boasting, had shown to his helpless victims when they appealed to him. A rope was brought, one end of which was fastened around his neck, after the fashion usually adopted in such cases, and the other was made secure to the railing of the bridge. Up he was lifted and over he was dropped, and there he was left dangling until the next morning when he was taken down and an inquest held on his body by J. T. Stevenson, a Justice of the Peace, and a verdict rendered according to the facts--death by strangulation.

A few days after this occurred, the whole community was thrown into considerable excitement by a rumor that a party of Quantrell's band and Bill Anderson's, to which McDowell had belonged, were on their way to wreak a terrible vengeance upon the people of Morris County, and Council Grove in particular. It turned out to be mere rumor, however, but the excitement was none the less for all that.

The Cheyenne Outbreak
This occurred on the 3rd of June, 1868. Like a thunderbolt bursting from a clear sky, and without the least note of warning to indicate what was about to happen, four hundred Cheyennes burst upon the town all armed and painted for war. When the Indians reached the west end of the town, they divided their forces, one-half following along Elm Creek to the south of town while the other continued to march along Main Street.

The people were taken completely by surprise, and could not surmise what the approach of so large a body of Indians, all painted, bedecked and mounted for war, meant, unless it was indiscriminate slaughter of the whites. Notwithstanding this assurance, the settlers, knowing the treacherous nature of the red men, were not altogether at ease and held themselves in readiness for whatever might happen. The Kaw tribe was at that time stationed about two and a half miles east from Council Grove, on Big John Creek, and the agent for the tribe was Major E. S. Stover.

The cause for the Cheyennes being on the war path may as well be stated here. During the year previous, the Kaws and Cheyennes lived at peace with each other, and visited the wigwams of each other in a friendly manner. Not far west from Council Grove both tribes herded their ponies within easy distance of each other and between the two.